Wednesday, November 22, 2017

Have Roy Moore’s Main Accuser’s Claims Been Debunked?

She has been Judge Roy Moore’s most damning accuser, but now people “who were there when” have come forward to make us wonder if the allegations are damned lies. Yet the national media refuse to cover the story. 
Flanked by fame-seeking feminist attorney Gloria Allred, Beverly Young Nelson gave a teary-eyed press conference November 13 claiming that GOP Senate candidate Roy Moore violently sexually assaulted her in 1977, when she was 16. But other individuals, in positions to know, are now disputing key facts in Nelson’s story.
Notable among them is retired public school teacher Rhonda Ledbetter, who for almost three years, 1977-79, worked at the restaurant where the alleged assault took place, Olde Hickory House in Gadsden, Alabama. Another is former sheriff's deputy Johnny Belyeu, Sr., who stated that he was a “regular” at the restaurant and that he personally knew Moore from the Etowah County courthouse in the 1970s. The last is former waitress Renee Schivera, who says that she worked at Olde Hickory House during the summer of ’77.
Here are their revelations, summed up by Gateway Pundit:
1.) The Olde Hickory House required employees to be at least 16. Beverly Nelson claims she was 15 when she started.
2.) The restaurant’s dumpsters were on the side of the building and not in back as Nelson claimed.
3.) A former employee says the restaurant NEVER closed at ... [10 p.m.] as Nelson claimed and at midnight on most nights.
4.) Customers at the counter were served by the bartender or cook and not by any waitress [thus, Moore wouldn’t have had occasion to interact with Nelson, the theory goes].
5.) The witnesses claim they have shared this information with several news outlets but they have refused to report the truth!
Most significantly, all three witnesses state that they never saw Judge Moore dining at the restaurant. Ledbetter told WHNT 19 News, “I never once saw Roy Moore come into the restaurant in all the time that I worked there.”
Likewise, Johnny Belyeu, Sr., who, again, knew Moore personally, tells us, “I was a regular customer at Olde Hickory House ... and I never once saw Judge Moore come in there,” reported One News Now. Schivera also states that she never saw the judge at the restaurant.

New FBI Records Show FBI Leadership’s Conflicts of Interest Discussions on Clinton Email Investigation

Judicial Watch today released 79 pages of Justice Department documents concerning ethics issues related to FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe’s involvement with his wife’s political campaign. The documents include an email showing Mrs. McCabe was recruited for a Virginia state senate race in February 2015 by then-Virginia Lieutenant Governor Ralph Northam’s office.
The news that Clinton used a private email server broke five days later, on March 2, 2015. Five days after that, former Clinton Foundation board member and Democrat party fundraiser, Virginia Governor Terry McAuliffe, met with the McCabes. She announced her candidacy on March 12. Soon afterward, Clinton/McAuliffe-aligned political groups donated nearly $700,000 (40% of the campaign’s total funds) to McCabe’s wife for her campaign.
Judicial Watch obtained the documents through a July 24, 2017, Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) lawsuit filed after the Justice Department failed to respond to an October 24, 2016, FOIA request (Judicial Watch v. U.S. Department of Justice (No. 1:17-cv-01494)). Judicial Watch seeks:
  • All records of communication between FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe and other FBI or Department of Justice officials regarding ethical issues concerning the involvement of Andrew McCabe and/or his wife, Dr. Jill McCabe, in political campaigns;
  • All records related to ethical guidance concerning political activities provided to Deputy Director McCabe by FBI and/or DOJ officials or elements.
An October 23, 2016, email shows McCabe running the response effort to a Wall Street Journal article that was published that day, titled “Clinton Ally Aided Campaign of FBI Official’s Wife.” McCabe provides Michael Kortan, the assistant director of Public Affairs, his version of a timeline of events surrounding the Clinton investigation and his wife’s campaign. McCabe said he contacted then-FBI Chief of Staff Chuck Roseburg about Jill McCabe’s candidacy and was told that “the D [Comey] has no issue with it.” (Judicial Watch earlier this month released documents showing that McCabe finally did recuse himself from the Clinton investigation only a week before last year’s presidential election.)
Internally, the Wall Street Journal article started a flurry of emails among Mrs. McCabe’s campaign, Kortan, Director McCabe, and the FBI’s General Counsel. Part of that exchange is an email from McCabe to someone in the General Counsel’s Office: “Sucks pretty much. Buckle in. It’s going to get rough.” The colleague responds, “I know. It’s awful. I shouldn’t be shocked by now, but I really am appalled.” McCabe also forwarded the article to Comey who responded, “Copy.”

Dem Sen. Nancy Skinner Involved in Cover-Up of Sexual Harassment?

The California Legislature has declared and legislated sex “a contractual event,” and redefined consensual sexual relations as “rape” if it occurs on a college campus—but not in their own offices. Perhaps lawmakers should have turned their attention inward to their own Capitol offices where lawmakers have been accused of a great deal of non-contractual sexual events.
Headlines Monday by KTLA screamed, “San Fernando Valley Assemblyman Raul Bocanegra to Resign Next Year Amid Sexual Harassment Allegations.” But the devil is in the details. The article then states, “Bocanegra announced he will not seek reelection Monday, citing ‘persistent rumors and speculation’ regarding sexual harassment claims.”
‘Not seeking reelection’ is not a resignation.
Assemblyman Bocanegra has been accused by six new women of sexual harassment, according to the Los Angeles Times. “The allegations come as women in various industries are coming forward to tell their stories of sexual harassment and abuse.”
Remember, sexual harassment is about power disparity, and not sex. Unfortunately for the women, it’s about both.
Surely “persistent rumors and speculation” regarding sexual harassment claims would not prevent Bocanegra from running for a guaranteed reelection if these in fact were just persistent rumors and speculation. However, Bocanegra is accused of sexually harassing six more women, in addition to the first woman who accused Bocanegra of sexual assault, while he worked as the chief of staff in the legislative office of then-Assemblyman Felipe Fuentes, D-Pacoima.
The latest charges come after the Los Angeles Times reported last month that in 2009, Bocanegra was disciplined in a human resources investigation. Elise Flynn Gyore accused Bocanegra, then a chief of staff, of “inappropriate and unwelcome physical contact.”
Bocanegra, who was supposedly “disciplined” in 2009 by the Assembly Rules Committee, just issued yet another quasi-apology:


Options to Eliminate the State-Licensing Roadblock

One of the most promising areas of medical innovation is the expansion of telemedicine, where medical professionals treat patients across great distances using electronic communications. A significant barrier to telemedicine is the requirement that physicians obtain licenses from each state in which their current or potential patients are, or may be, located.
The best option is to eliminate government licensing of medical professionals altogether. Eliminating licensing would eliminate these barriers without compromising quality. State medical licensing boards often place the interests of physicians ahead of patient safety. Health insurers, medical malpractice liability insurers, hospitals, and others — many of whom are liable when a physician injures a patient, and all of whom seek to protect their reputations — would continue to protect patients by doing periodic, substantive reviews of physician skills and qualifications.
A second-best way to eliminate barriers to affordable, quality care would be for Congress to redefine the location of the interaction between patients and physicians from that of the patient to that of the physician. Digital patients would be no different from patients who travel across state lines or national borders for care. A physician would need only one license, and would be responsible for only one set of licensing laws governing the practice of medicine — that of his or her home state.

Tax Reform Fight Shows Why Subsidies Never Die

Chances are fading fast that tax reform will roll back a wasteful energy subsidy.
The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, passed by the House last week, promised to save about $12.3 billion over the next decade by scaling back a "production tax credit" mostly used by wind energy producers. It was a tepid but welcome change to a program that has far outlived whatever usefulness it might have had. Sadly, even this marginal reform seems to be too much for Senate Republicans, who have left the credit untouched in their version of the bill.
"This is how government grows," says Veronique de Rugy, a researcher at George Mason University's Mercatus Center and a regular Reason columnist. "It concentrates benefits on a few winners, and it spreads the cost on a large number of losers."
In 1992, the Renewable Electricity Production Tax Credit gave renewable energy producers a 1.5 cent per kilowatt tax break for the first 10 years a facility is online. That tax break was indexed to inflation, and by 2016 it had grown from 1.5 to 2.3 cents.
That might not sound like much, but it costs the federal treasury about $3.4 billion per year in forgone revenue. The vast majority of its benefits go to wind farm producers, who receive up to 80 percent of these tax credits per year and who have eaten up $12.8 billion in production tax credits since 2008.
When it was first created, the program was supposed to expire in 1999, having fulfilled its role in jumpstarting new wind farms. Instead it has been extended 10 times, most recently in 2015. It has even risen from the dead: The credit has expired five times, and each time it was resurrected by wind lobbyists, who insist their industry can't survive without it. They are now howling about the modest rollback the credit would see under the House bill.

The Rise of the Beta Male Sexual Harasser

The winds of what the New York Post calls Pervnado continue to gather strength, carving a hole through the beta male worlds of NPR, PBS, Hollywood, the New Republic, Vox, the New York Times, and MSNBC, among others. What emerges from this storm of scandal is a clearer picture of a culture that trained men not to respect women but to respect feminism. In many ways, the Beta Male sexual harasser is the squalid offspring of the unhappy marriage between feminism and the sexual revolution, from whose chaotic household he learned virtue-signaling without virtue.
The growing pile of confession notes — which combine ostensible empathy and promises of sensitivity and submission with strategically placed, lawyerly denials — testifies to the grimly comic dishonesty of the Beta Male sexual harasser. He thought that he could continue to indulge his appetites as long as he adjusted his attitudes, a view that all of the prattle about “systemic change” confirms him in, insofar as it treats his misbehavior as an ideological problem rather than a moral one. Implied in many of the confession notes from the harassers is the ludicrous suggestion that with a little more “education,” with a few more training seminars, with a little more consciousness-raising, they would have behaved virtuously. This pose allows them to escape moral responsibility and painlessly join the “solution.” The sexual revolution’s massive crisis of unchastity is thus turned into a “problem of power” that can be remedied by the hiring of more female executives, the expansion of HR departments, and “better” education.
For sheer pomposity, perhaps nothing beats Richard Dreyfuss’s non-apology apology, chalking up his misbehavior to the “performative masculine man my father had modeled for me to be.” But, no worries, he is enlightened now: “I have had to redefine what it means to be a man, and an ethical man. I think every man on Earth has or will have to grapple with this question. But I am not an assaulter.”

Why Roy Moore and Tax Cuts Matter

Turn on the news to hear about the latest powerful man, almost to a man Democrats, accused of sexual misconduct. Hollywood moguls and actors, media political commentators, and now elected officials. The sole accused Republican, however, seems to be garnering the most attention: Alabama Senate candidate Roy Moore.
After the smart-set cable news panels play compare and contrast between Roy Moore and Al Franken, they pivot to the Republican tax cut plans, currently limping through Congress. Democrats trot out their hackneyed “tax cuts for the rich” mantra despite marginal tax rates staying put under both House and Senate plans.
What do these two current events have in common? Roy Moore isn’t in the Senate yet and can’t vote on tax cuts. Yet these two unconnected issues are a pivotal moment for the GOP. Will it be their Waterloo or their Yorktown? Defeat or victory?
Roy Moore is clearly unpopular with Democrats. Yet the Republican establishment doesn’t want him either. Ask Mitch McConnell, Mitt Romney, John McCain or Cory Gardner. He’s another Donald Trump, opposed by the establishments of both parties, but perhaps not by the voters. The same pollsters predicting Moore crashing and burning also predicted a Clinton landslide victory. We know how that turned out.
What happens if he does lose? Moore would be a solid Republican vote in a closely divided Senate. Without him, the Senate would be one seat closer to a Democrat majority.

http://www.americanthinker.com/articles/2017/11/why_roy_moore_and_tax_cuts_matter.html#ixzz4zArpwsc2