This column offers a spirited and unapologetic defense of partisan gerrymandering as both legitimate and necessary political warfare in today’s hyper-partisan environment. Echoing Kurt Schlichter’s recent argument in Townhall, the author contends that Republicans must aggressively redraw congressional maps to match the tactics long employed by Democrats in blue states. He praises red states like Texas, Florida, Ohio, and Missouri for fighting “blue-state fire with fire,” particularly through mid-cycle redistricting that may significantly expand GOP control of the House.
The piece underscores the imbalance in representation, especially in states like California where Republicans constitute a large minority of the electorate but hold a disproportionately small number of congressional seats. This, the author argues, justifies red-state gerrymandering not just as a political necessity but as a corrective against years of Democrat-dominated district manipulation.
Of particular note is the discussion of Louisiana, where a federal court forced the Republican-controlled legislature to adopt a 4-2 congressional map favoring Democrats. The author criticizes this move as judicial overreach and expresses hope that the Supreme Court will both overturn the current Louisiana map and potentially invalidate Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, which he sees as outdated racial engineering.
The column combines political strategy with legal optimism, portraying redistricting as not just a tool of self-preservation but a moral imperative in the face of Democrat hypocrisy and institutional bias.
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Defense of Gerrymandering: The author, echoing Kurt Schlichter, argues that gerrymandering is not only legal but morally necessary in today’s political climate, especially for Republicans in red states.
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Democratic Hypocrisy: Blue states have long gerrymandered with impunity (e.g., California), while decrying red-state efforts to do the same. Republicans are simply playing by the rules Democrats set.
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Texas Map Praised: The newly redrawn Texas congressional map aggressively consolidates blue districts and is celebrated as a model for GOP redistricting strategy.
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Electoral Imbalance Highlighted: California Republicans make up 40% of the electorate but only control 17% of congressional seats — a disparity cited as justification for red-state countermeasures.
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Census Manipulation Critique: The author accuses blue states of “census gerrymandering” — inflating their populations with illegal aliens to retain congressional seats post-census.
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Louisiana's Legal Battle: A federal judge forced Louisiana to adopt a more Democrat-friendly 4–2 map, which may be overturned in the Supreme Court case Callais v. Louisiana.
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VRA Section 2 Under Fire: The author hopes the Court not only strikes down the Louisiana map but invalidates Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act, which mandates race-based districting — a standard he deems outdated and unfair in 2025.
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Modern Black Representation Cited: The success of black Republicans like Tim Scott, Byron Donalds, and John James is used to argue that racially gerrymandered districts are no longer necessary for fair minority representation.
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Strategic Restraint from GOP: The GOP appears to be holding back on redrawing Louisiana's map to avoid mooting the Callais case and to pursue a broader legal victory that could benefit red states nationwide.
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Long-Term Goal: If Section 2 is overturned, Republicans could redraw maps across red states without racial gerrymandering requirements, potentially expanding the House GOP majority to 235–245 seats.
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Conclusion: Partisan redistricting is framed as political hardball — and as long as Democrats continue to do it, Republicans must respond in kind. The new Texas map is cited as a triumph of this strategy.
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