Safe to say that the following propositions appear contrarian: Cabrini-Green wasn't that bad a place; many former residents think about its demolition with anger and regret; the new CHA-facilitated housing options have problems of their own; and the failures of high-rise public housing resulted from poor management and callous political choices, not from any inherent defect.
" An interviewer for South Side Weekly asked Austen whether Cabrini-Green, and high-rise public housing generally, could have succeeded.
It's true, as he argues, that Cabrini-Green became a synecdoche for failed public housing partly because of an accident of geography.
Such a ratio was "Catastrophic," historian D. Bradford Hunt writes in Blueprint for Disaster: The Unraveling of Chicago Public Housing.
"Establishing social order in these conditions was nearly impossible. More than any single factor, the combination of high youth-adult ratios and high-rise buildings doomed public housing in Chicago." Austen's and Hunt's point is plausible, as far as it goes.
The high-rises were torn down in the belief that they had actually become destructive of these ends, but Public Housing 2.0's remedy for concentrated poverty-dispersed poverty-incorporated the first iteration's undue faith in the redemptive capabilities of housing policies.
In the 1960s under pressure from politicians and activists, NYCHA, like other housing agencies, began admitting growing numbers of welfare recipients to public housing, and eased screening generally.
https://www.city-journal.org/html/cabrini-green-homes-16037.html
" An interviewer for South Side Weekly asked Austen whether Cabrini-Green, and high-rise public housing generally, could have succeeded.
It's true, as he argues, that Cabrini-Green became a synecdoche for failed public housing partly because of an accident of geography.
Such a ratio was "Catastrophic," historian D. Bradford Hunt writes in Blueprint for Disaster: The Unraveling of Chicago Public Housing.
"Establishing social order in these conditions was nearly impossible. More than any single factor, the combination of high youth-adult ratios and high-rise buildings doomed public housing in Chicago." Austen's and Hunt's point is plausible, as far as it goes.
The high-rises were torn down in the belief that they had actually become destructive of these ends, but Public Housing 2.0's remedy for concentrated poverty-dispersed poverty-incorporated the first iteration's undue faith in the redemptive capabilities of housing policies.
In the 1960s under pressure from politicians and activists, NYCHA, like other housing agencies, began admitting growing numbers of welfare recipients to public housing, and eased screening generally.
https://www.city-journal.org/html/cabrini-green-homes-16037.html
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